Arrival
The Innu were one of the first North American peoples to encounter European
explorers, first the Norse, and later the Portuguese, Basques, French,
Dutch and British. Even so, they remained much less well known than
other aboriginal groups living further west, even though these others
were contacted much later. This is partly because the Innu spent most
of the year deep in the interior of Québec-Labrador, where until
recently they lived as nomadic hunters, only visiting coastal trading
posts for brief periods. They were also one of the last Canadian aboriginal
groups to become settled into permanent villages, a process which took
place in the 1960s.
European Contact
Before the 20th century, the Innu were based in the Québec-Labrador
interior for the winter months, but came to the coast in summer, to
live off fish, seals, and sea birds. In the 16th and early 17th centuries,
the Innu visited the Basque fishermen at their stations in southern
Labrador. These summer trips to the coast became more frequent after
French traders and missionaries in the 17th century, and British and
Moravians in the 18th century, persuaded the Innu to come to their coastal
locations. The first sites were established along the north shore of
the St. Lawrence, followed by posts at Lake Melville, Ungava Bay and
the Atlantic coast of Labrador. Eventually in the 20th century many
of these coastal meeting places became year-round Innu villages.
At first, contact with the fur traders and missionaries did not dramatically
change the nomadic life of the Innu. In the 19th century, some traders
tried to insist that the northern Innu give up caribou hunting altogether
in favour of trapping, making them dependent on the trader for their
food and supplies. This led to disaster for those Innu who did this.
They found themselves without supplies of food or ammunition and many
starved to death as a result. However, for most of them, trapping remained
a secondary occupation to hunting.
Recent History
After 1900, forestry projects began operations in parts of the Innu
area. As the population of major game animals, particularly the caribou,
started to decline, Innu began showing up on the coast in a starving
condition, seeking assistance from missionaries, traders, nursing stations
and the government.
By the 1950s the growing dependence of the Innu on government services
and social assistance had the effect of restricting them to the vicinity
of the villages, with unfortunate results for their society and culture.
In the 1960s schools were opened, effectively separating children from
parents, preventing children from experiencing the hunting way of life,
and further threatening the transmission of Innu language and culture
from one generation to the next. The need to send their children to
school made it necessary for most parents to stay close to the settlement,
but living in a settlement meant that adults could not make a living
by hunting and trapping.
The result of these changes was that formerly active, proud and independent
Innu hunters became partially cut off from the one activity on which
their culture placed most value - hunting. They lived in slum housing
conditions, and were looked down upon by others as being permanently
on government assistance. Excessive drinking, violence, and child neglect
followed from the resulting low self-esteem and forced inactivity -
results which were to have been expected, given the same kind of transformation
that Indians elsewhere in Canada had undergone, after they had been
confined on reserves.
Political Organization
The growing social problems of settlement life led to the formation
of Innu political organizations - the Conseil Atikamek Montagnais, in
Québec, and the Naskapi Montagnais Innu Association in Labrador (later
to become the Innu Nation) in the early 1970s. These organizations set
about improving conditions in the villages, and making it possible for
some people to return to hunting and trapping. Hunting and trapping
were never entirely abandoned, and today many Innu leave the settlement
for long periods in the winter, using modern equipment such as aircraft,
snowmobiles, and two-way radios. Improved housing programs are underway.
The political associations also represent their members, and speak out
locally, nationally and from time to time in the international arena.
While the associations are partly federally funded, they also work with
the provincial governments on such matters as housing policy, health,
and education. Elsewhere in Canada these aspects of Indian life come
under federal control, but when Newfoundland joined Confederation in
1949 federal jurisdiction was withheld from the indigenous people of
the province. One result of this is that the Innu on the Labrador side
of the border do not have access to all the same federal programs available
to other Canadian Native people.
Currently, the Innu Nation has a very heavy agenda of work, most of
which falls on the shoulders of the few educated leaders. They are involved
in land claims negotiations, industrial development such as the proposed
Voisey's Bay nickel mine, the proposed Lower Churchill hydroelectric
scheme, a new trans-Labrador highway and forestry projects. At the same
time the Innu wish to participate in the development of their traditional
lands, providing this can be done in accordance with their own standards
and objectives.
Utshimaasits (Davis Inlet) faced especially difficult social problems,
many stemming from having been settled in 1967 in an unsuitable location,
with an inadequate water supply, on an island from which access to the
mainland for hunting is difficult for several months each year. To address
this problem, a federally funded project to relocate the community to
the mainland was agreed upon, which now sees the Innu living in a new
community, Natuashish, located a mere 20-minute skidoo or boat ride
from Davis Inlet.
© 1999, Adrian Tanner
Department of Anthropology
Memorial University of Newfoundland